Play as · WW3 2026 · L1 · Sovereign republic · Emergency transition

Haiti - 2026

Haiti opens in September 2026 as a sovereign republic whose state institutions no longer control large parts of the capital and surrounding transport corridors. The Transitional Presidential Council's mandate expired on 7 February, transferring executive authority to the Council of Ministers led by Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils-Aimé. That arrangement prevents a formal vacuum but does not supply an elected mandate. Armed groups tax roads, attack neighbourhoods and disrupt ports, hospitals and schools; displacement and food insecurity make every security decision a humanitarian one. The Haitian National Police remain the essential national force. International support has shifted from the earlier Kenya-led Multinational Security Support mission toward the Gang Suppression Force authorized in 2025, backed logistically by a UN support office. The player cannot treat foreign personnel as a replacement government. Haiti needs a chain of command able to protect civilians, investigate abuses and reopen ordinary administration. The immediate objective is modest but decisive: connect secure institutions and communities closely enough that constitutional politics can function again.

Starting position

The map is fragmented rather than uniformly lost. Port-au-Prince contains critical ministries, hospitals, fuel terminals and roads whose control changes the reach of every other policy. The Artibonite and Centre departments face their own armed pressure, while southern ports and diaspora connections offer routes around the capital bottleneck. Police units are exhausted and unevenly equipped; prisons and courts cannot process arrests safely at the scale a major operation could produce. A purely military advance may displace families, interrupt aid and leave neighbourhoods to the next armed coalition. Start by selecting corridors that join a port or border crossing to food markets, clinics, courts and police posts. Publish rules for force, civilian complaints and detention review before operations begin. Municipal leaders, women's groups, churches and local businesses can identify risks that national planners miss. Customs and telecom revenue must be protected from capture because payroll regularity is itself a security capability. Each secured route should therefore finance and supply the institutions that hold it.

What turns the campaign

The campaign turns on sequencing. Police and the Gang Suppression Force can clear a road, but engineers, judges, utility crews and local administrators must follow quickly enough to prevent armed groups from returning. Demobilization offers and witness protection can split coerced recruits from commanders, while targeted financial investigations pursue weapons buyers and kidnapping proceeds. Broad retaliation would strengthen gang recruitment and destroy the trust needed for intelligence. Along the Dominican border, customs cooperation can restrict arms flows without treating migrants or traders as enemies. At sea, protected cabotage and reopened terminals reduce dependence on dangerous overland routes. The Council of Ministers also needs a public political calendar. Voter registration, identity documents and safe polling sites cannot wait until nationwide calm magically appears; they should expand district by district as conditions allow. Independent auditing of security contracts and election funds gives parties reason to remain in the process. International partners can supply transport, communications and money, but Haitian authorities must set the priorities and retain the records.

Signature challenge