The Argentine Navy training cruiser ARA La Argentina photographed in 1939, equipped with a Supermarine Walrus seaplane
Argentine Navy, 1939 - the training cruiser ARA La Argentina with her Supermarine Walrus seaplane at the start of the long-neutrality fleet posture. Histarmar (Armada Argentina) · public domain · Wikimedia Commons
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Play as · Cold War 1947 · L2 · Peronist Republic

Argentina - 1947

Argentina begins 1947 with unusual room to manoeuvre and a combustible domestic bargain. Juan Perón has won the presidency on organised labour, social reform, economic nationalism, and the prestige of the officer corps. Export earnings accumulated during the war give Buenos Aires purchasing power while hungry Europe needs Argentine meat and grain. Yet imported fuel, machinery, and replacement parts remain essential, and inflation already erodes the wages that made Peronism popular. Washington has ended its harshest wartime pressure, but suspicion over neutrality and Axis connections survives. Britain is both an essential customer and owner of railways Perón intends to acquire. Treat the opening surplus as finite political capital. Decide whether to spend it on nationalisation and welfare, reserve hard currency for industrial equipment, or use food contracts to repair relations abroad. The Third Position can win autonomy only while Argentina stays useful to Atlantic markets and its neighbours; theatrical defiance without export access leaves the programme unfunded.

Starting position

The armed forces rank among South America’s most ambitious, but their order of battle hides mixed equipment, limited engine production, and little recent combat experience. The army can secure the Pampas, capital, and Andean approaches, while the navy must cover an immense coast and South Atlantic communications. Air power offers prestige and reach, though imported aircraft create a costly maintenance tail. Prioritise workshops, fuel stocks, radio links, and transport before adding formations. A force able to move from Buenos Aires and Córdoba to Patagonia or the Chilean frontier is more credible than paper strength scattered across garrisons. Every dollar committed to weapons competes with locomotives, oil exploration, and factory machinery. Keep promotions and procurement professional enough that the services support constitutional government rather than become rival political machines. Licence production and technical training will deliver domestic capability sooner than attempting every component at home. Naval plans should protect commerce and deny nearby waters, not imitate fleets intended for global war.

What turns the campaign

The opening turns hinge on three negotiations. Convert sterling balances and British dependence on food into a railway settlement and dependable purchases without accepting payment that cannot buy needed imports. Normalise relations with the United States far enough to obtain machinery and military spares while refusing a subordinate role. Reassure Brazil and Chile that Argentine rearmament is bounded, because a regional arms race consumes the capital needed for industrialisation. The 1947 Rio conference offers collective security but tests whether Buenos Aires will work inside an inter-American system it once resisted. Support consultation while pressing for sovereign equality and peaceful settlement. At home, wage rises, price controls, union authority, and business investment must remain compatible. Food shortages or runaway prices can break the coalition faster than foreign pressure. Use merchant shipping and grain diplomacy to widen European options, and screen every technical contract for spares, currency, and training. A strong opening leaves Argentina solvent, mobile, and courted rather than loudly isolated.

Signature challenge

Power, geography, and consent

Argentina’s defining campaign turns food, distance, and industrial ambition into independence from both emerging blocs. The Pampas generate bargaining power, but drought, shipping disruption, or hostile markets can shrink it abruptly. Patagonia and the South Atlantic reward ports, surveys, oil, and patrol capacity; they do not justify symbols unsupported by logistics. Perón’s social compact can mobilise workers for development, yet censorship, partisan policing, or unchecked military influence may replace consent with brittle obedience. Give unions a stake in productivity, preserve channels for lawful opposition, and make state enterprises answerable for costs. Abroad, offer concrete assets—food deliveries, conference votes, Antarctic access, or limited defence cooperation—in exchange for equally concrete technology and markets. Avoid automatic commitments in a superpower confrontation Argentina cannot shape. Success appears in diversified trade, repairable forces, refining and steel capacity, and neighbours that accept leadership because it supplies regional goods. Autonomy is an achieved balance sheet and network of trust, not a slogan proclaimed from the Casa Rosada. Maintain professional statistics on harvests, reserves, and industrial output, because honest information lets ministers adjust before shortages become a political emergency or a foreign creditor sets the terms.

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Scenario: Cold War 1947

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