Somali National Army female soldier on a live fire training demonstration at Jazeera Camp, Mogadishu, February 2014
Jazeera Camp, Mogadishu, February 2014 - Somali National Army on live-fire demonstration after six months of AMISOM-led training, the institutional rebuild that has continued through ATMIS and AUSSOM. Tobin Jones / AMISOM Public Information · CC0 · Wikimedia Commons
Somalia flag

Play as · WW3 2026 · L1 · Mogadishu Recovery · Al-Shabaab

Somalia - 2026

Somalia is governed by Hassan Sheikh Mohamud in his second term - restored to power in May 2022 after the previous Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed (Farmaajo) administration's term-extension crisis - and the country whose post-2022 federal-government recovery has been substantially advanced through the al-Shabaab military operations, the international-engagement reset, and the constitutional-political reforms (the Provisional Constitution amendments adopted in 2024). Population about 18M, GDP around $20B PPP. The strategic identity is the post-state-collapse recovery in active counter-insurgency - Somalia's reconstruction has been continuous since the 2012 transition that ended the post-1991 transitional-federal-government era, the al-Shabaab insurgency continues to control substantial rural territory in southern and central Somalia despite operational reverses, and the federal-political tensions with Somaliland (de facto independent since 1991) and the partial-autonomy of Puntland and Jubaland have been continuously challenging.

Starting position

The Somali National Army has been substantially rebuilt with US, Turkish, EU, and broader donor support - about 25,000 active personnel under varying levels of training and equipment, with the Danab Brigade as the US-trained special operations component that has been the principal counter-al-Shabaab strike force. The African Union Mission to Somalia (ATMIS) drew down through 2024 and was replaced by the AUSSOM successor mission with reduced personnel scale (roughly 11,000 down from the 18,000 peak). The al-Shabaab insurgency continues to control substantial rural territory in southern and central Somalia despite the post-2022 escalated operations under the Macawisley clan-militia mobilization framework. The post-January-2024 Ethiopian-Somaliland-MOU crisis (Ethiopia agreed to recognize Somaliland in exchange for Red Sea coast access; Somalia rejected and broke diplomatic relations with Ethiopia briefly) has restructured the regional-diplomatic environment.

What turns the campaign

What Somalia under Mohamud wants is the al-Shabaab counter-insurgency advanced toward the substantial territorial-recovery the post-2022 operations have promised, the AUSSOM successor mission funded at the operational scale the security situation requires, the Ethiopian-Somaliland MOU reversed or rendered operationally inconsequential through the diplomatic-and-political pressures Somalia has mobilized, the federal-political relationships with Puntland, Jubaland, and the broader federal-member-state architecture preserved without the kind of constitutional crisis that the post-2022 reform agenda has periodically produced, and the international-financial engagement (the post-debt-relief HIPC completion, the IMF program continuation) sustained at the level the reconstruction requires. What Somalia fears is a renewed al-Shabaab offensive that exceeds the current containment capacity, an Ethiopian-Somaliland operational follow-through on the MOU framework, a Somaliland political-strategic move on the formal-independence question, and a federal-political crisis if the constitutional reforms produce member-state-government withdrawal.

Signature challenge

The Mogadishu recovery, contested

Somalia's central strategic problem is sustaining the post-state-collapse recovery in an operational environment where the al-Shabaab insurgency continues to contest territorial control across substantial portions of the country, the regional-diplomatic environment has been progressively complicated by the Ethiopian-Somaliland MOU and the broader Horn of Africa-regional crisis, and the federal-political architecture remains fragile across the Somaliland-Puntland-Jubaland-and-other-member-state dimensions. The Mohamud administration's reform agenda has been ambitious; the operational delivery has been mixed; the institutional capacity to address all simultaneously is the principal scarce resource. NationFall surfaces this as the Somali campaign's defining tension: a Horn of Africa state whose post-collapse recovery has been substantial across multiple dimensions, played out in a regional environment where every neighbor and every internal political-territorial unit can independently destabilize the recovery trajectory.

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